Labour cannot communicate

Tom Watkins, Contributor     Hana Syed, Political Editor

The stage was set for Environment Secretary Steve Reed to announce his grand plans for transforming the water industry. Ofwat would be slashed, and sewage in the waters would be cut by 50% by 2030. Of course, no one could watch these bold assertions - the government had decided not to live stream it, leaving only the hacks to report back – a tragic indictment of the government’s communication strategy.

Reed’s bold claims gained traction, and the state of the country’s water has become a lightning rod for a population that sees its country as broken. On the surface, it should be applauded. Yet therein lies the problem: cabinet members and ministers view the applause as job done. A few days later, the party put out a Facebook post that looked like it was designed by a 10-year-old, with 13 words crammed together in different sizes, stating, ‘Labour is cracking down on failing water companies by establishing a single powerful regulator.’ Not only can you feel the smugness radiating through the message, but it is also woefully bad communication.

Large swathes of the public probably do not know about the minutiae of water regulators, and why should they? They do not care for bureaucracy and regulation - politics, to many, exists on an extremely superficial plane; clean water and affordable bills are what they desire. The evisceration of private companies that have enjoyed huge dividends might be well-intentioned, but it is, by design, a means to an end.

The headlines will look nice, and the bulletins carry a strong sense of a government knowing what it’s doing. Yet, one only had to listen to the environment secretary on the News Agents that day to realise that when placed under scrutiny for a prolonged period, these statements lacked real clarity. The substance was starkly lacking - £104 billion was the total cost to renationalise, really. Ofwat was abolished, to be replaced by what I’m not clear. This is a party that has become so reflexive in its communication approach; statements are never delivered through taking the initiative, only ever to be patted on the back.

The environment secretary is not an isolated case; this is a systemic communication problem. Every time a minister is required to articulate their thoughts for more than a 10-minute slot on Kuenssberg or the Today programme, their vacuousness on policy is startling. As an aside point, this government has really shone a light on how redundant the media round has become. It serves no purpose for governments to participate in this outdated exercise; no one is listening, and no one is watching. Anything that is seen is only a blunder or an example of a minister looking ridiculous when the consistent regurgitation of party lines to questioning descends into a ridiculous spectacle. Labour’s tacking to the right directly contradicts those they are seeking to appeal to; these people are not consuming and harbouring a political opinion in this linear form – the more passionate of them actively hate its existence.

Long-form podcasts have become the new medium. Consummation in this form has not only contributed to the terminal decline of traditional media but also fragmented an already divided political landscape. Everyone has an audio companion that placates and reaffirms their viewpoints. For the government, the style and rhetoric that have made up political communication for the past several decades require a complete reevaluation.

Those on the right have become more adept at recognising the changing habits of voters and getting their message across. The traditional middle England Conservative voter might still form their political opinions based on what they hear on the Today programme or Times Radio, but the real base is being established on social media. Reform and Nigel Farage have become adept at communicating in this way, establishing a rhetorical style that feels authentic and not grounded in Westminster spiel. It may be populist messaging that has little to no plan implementation to accompany it; nonetheless, the efficacy of his communication is indisputable.

The water debacle encapsulated that Labour has no one able to communicate a message in this way. It was not just Steve Reed’s appearance on the News Agents, but one could take any of the Cabinet ministers speaking on long-form platforms to demonstrate an absence of knowing what anything they were doing was for. The soundbites may be clear and crisp, shaped in a way that is clearly Blairite, yet the spin does not hold when it’s not supported by a clear story or vision. The right draws everything back to the country being broken – Farage can speak on a podcast for hours and list off everything that is wrong with the country without missing a beat – the left, well, it’s all about change, I guess? An obsolete statement, devoid of any meaning.

This fundamental inability to tie policy to strategy and strategy to vision is a problem that stems from the top. The Prime Minister is a man who famously does not like politics. His constant reference to this point in sit-down interviews has not only become increasingly odd but also demonstrates his glaring lack of political acumen. Never has a prime minister operated this way. It goes a long way to explaining the malaise the Labour government finds itself in, as ministers display a profound arrogance by only ever reverting to rehearsed lines. Those on the right have become more adept at recognising the changing habits of voters and getting their message across.

Categorising this as arrogant may seem excessive- many Labour ministers are decent and well-intentioned individuals. Rather, it highlights the broader condition of 21st-century politics: the decline of meaningful political communication, which has created fertile ground for division and anger to take root. Ministers who have had lived experiences of constructing arguments and thinking critically about the problems within the country, outside of the Westminster Bubble, are a rare occurrence. The rise of the careerist politicians, from spad to think tank, to hack, has manufactured such a reductive outlook on life and thus policy. How Labour ministers speak is almost as if a process of party indoctrination has taken place, which has created such a reductive view of the world, and such is their inability to connect or appeal to the broader electorate.

If the boss doesn’t think he needs to express himself or tie what he is saying to some broader vision or bigger picture, then why should we? Why should we bother? This hubris and personal vindication in overseeing such a seismic Tory defeat is feeding into their downfall. The battle is won; we need do no more.

Those in government are consciously aware of their failures in communication; almost everyone associated with the Labour Party who is not part of the government has lamented their strategy. A report in the Sunday Times said that No. 10 had shortlisted Tim Allan, deputy director of communications under Alistair Campbell, for a new role within the operation. The obsession with figures from the New Labour era is understandable, aligning with the technocratic style that Blair espoused. However, it is a clear diagnosis for many of the problems the government is hamstrung by - speaking a language and asserting a voice that is outdated, elongated and not aligning with public grievances.

It is a stark reflection of our times that the two-minute vertical video has become the dominant means of reaching the public. Political communication has been reduced to soundbites and clips; long elucidations do not present or offer any pertinent explanation to a country that has become disillusioned - Farage and Reform sense an opportunity to take control and rewrite the rules. Steve Reed's decision on Thames Water, Bridget Philipson’s pledge to improve Education, and Wes Streeting’s desire to modernise the NHS all feel insignificant in isolation. Communication is the vital thread that connects every part of government – without public engagement and real meaning, you have a strategy doomed to fail.

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