The Rise Of The Populist Right Isn’t Just About Culture - It’s the Economy, Too

Charlie Temple, Political Commentator

Culture wars make a lot of noise, but nothing is louder than the silence left by economic decline. Many question the common pattern emerging amongst the Western world - the rise of the populist right: the AfD in Germany, Trump in America, Le Pen in France, the list goes on. The most widely accepted explanation for this phenomenon rests on accusations of inherent bigotry and xenophobia within our societies; however, this is a superficial answer, one that is too simplistic and binary. To truly understand the rise of the populist right, we must look beyond identity politics and examine the economic determinants that have created fertile ground for their rhetoric to resonate with the masses. The populist right isn’t winning because of their divisive views on identity, but because they are tapping into a deeper frustration, one that has accumulated over years of economic stagnation and decline. While the pundits rage about the ‘woke’, the real issue is a generation of people left broke.

The common, superficial story we hear is of populism as a backlash against liberalism, immigration, or the left's obsession with identity. Scratch beneath the surface, and you’ll see that the real driving force is, in fact, economics. The populist right frame themselves as pro-people, anti-establishment, anti-globalist - all things that resonate with the huge proportion of the electorate feeling disengaged and disconnected with the political establishment. It is almost a form of revenge against a system that millions feel has failed them. The connection between the Trump voters in the Rust Belt, Le Pen’s rural base in France, or Reform UK supporters here in our own political sphere isn’t a dislike of multiculturalism. It is a combined sense that they have been left behind - socially, economically, and politically.

Economic insecurity is by no means new - what is different, however, is those who feel it. The middle class, once a zone of economic comfort, is now pressured by the same forces: unaffordable housing, stagnant wages, economic insecurity and a lack of social mobility. In the UK, between 2006 and 2016, middle-class wages grew by a meagre £100, while 40% of families said they were unable to save even £10 a month. This isn’t just a mild case of frustration. It’s a deep fear, and it’s reshaping the political landscape.

This fear, then, is funnelled into anger, creating fertile ground for the populist rhetoric to grow. Rather than attempting to target the complexity of modern capitalism - creating bold fiscal reform or combating decades of austerity - these parties simply direct anger in the direction of easier, more visible targets: migrants, minorities and ‘woke elites’. The populist right turns economic pain into cultural blame. And this works, not because the supporters of such regimes are inherently bigoted but because populism offers simple, binary answers to complex, nuanced issues. It’s easier to blame someone visible than to confront a system that feels rigged and untouchable.

Of course, we must consider the implications of globalisation too - an unintentional side effect being the creation of a two-speed society. While one portion of society got the benefits: job flexibility, global markets, and outsourced labour. The remainder were delivered zero-hour contracts, towns stripped of industry, and factories relocated. As ex-PM Gordon Brown stated, "Globalisation has created winners and losers. Many communities have been left behind, with jobs lost and industries hollowed out. We must build a new economy that works for everyone, not just the global elite."

I hear you asking, why populism and not, say, socialism? To that, I would suggest the shift in the form of media that is being digested by the electorate of today. Populism is loud, emotive, and overly reductionist by nature. It lives in soundbites, clips and memes, whereas complicated macroeconomic policies simply do not. Simply look to Nigel Farage for reference, who has more TikTok followers than every other MP combined - explicitly highlighting the populist right's proficiency to speak the language of the digital age. The majority of people don’t want to read about fiscal policy - but they’ll watch an Instagram reel of someone saying the establishment is corrupt.

It is clear that culture plays a role in the worldwide rise of the populist right, but without understanding the political background, we are missing the real story. Populism isn’t just a manifestation of people's bigotry and inherent xenophobia; it's a proxy for deep-rooted economic despair. To understand and then combat populism, we must take account of these economic determinants and confront them, rather than simply dismissing this surge of popularity as a cultural phenomenon. Until political leaders - starting with the current Labour government - begin to offer real, material solutions to this insecurity, the noise of the culture war will continue to drown out the quiet crisis of steady decline.

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